Thursday, February 10, 2011

Don’s Party

In the past week the power and influence of the Catholic Boys club of the ALP Right faction has been subject of much discussion. The Right faction began as a group of four devout Catholics in a Chinese restaurant in the 1980s. The story of how such an unrepresentative group has managed to become the dominant force in SA politics is an interesting one. As a former member of the faction, I am able to provide significant insight into this issue.

From the outset, it must be stated that changing demographics of the workforce in SA combined with the party structure of the ALP is a major determinant of the Right faction’s rise to power. The Right faction controls the Shop Assistants Union, the largest union in the State. The influence that a union has over the ALP is determined by the number of members it has. While the manufacturing sector struggles to compete with cheaper overseas competitors, the retail sector continues to grow. Formerly powerful unions like the AMWU are forced to go, cap in hand, to the Right faction for protection, becoming “outsiders” within the Right’s all encompassing tent. (As I have mentioned before in previous articles, the structure of the party and the disproportionate influence of unions is a major cause of the rot within the ALP.) The welcoming of “outsiders” into the Right has been the most clever (or devious) tactic responsible for its current strength.

While the core of the Right faction is devout Catholics, they have always painted themselves as a “broad church” welcoming people of opposing views. In 2000, when I first joined the party, the Unity faction had recently welcomed in an influx of former members of the Centre-Left faction, the former dominant faction of the 80s and 90s. The Centre Left split in three ways, with the more conservative joining the Right, the more radical joining the Left, and a small number (John Hill, Mike Rann) remaining unaligned. My first contact with the Right faction was through progressive, former Centre Lefties that were now “Right faction” members. A high percentage of this group was intelligent and progressive women. As an atheist with moderate left wing leanings, the Right seemed like a safer option compared to the more radical and scary Left. Over the next ten years, however, I came to realize that while the core of the Right welcomed the numbers and effort of the more progressive, ultimately the spoils of power were handed out those with the traditional conservative background.

During this period, I witnessed various talented progressive members of the Right faction being passed over for pre-selection at the expense of either conservative Right members or those that are unlikely to make waves. At a Federal level, Kate Ellis and Amanda Rishworth are possible exceptions, coming from the more progressive movement of the Right. At the State level, star candidates such as Chloe Fox are examples of “outsiders” being pre-selected. It should be noted, however, that none of these women hold seats that would be considered “safe” in a traditional sense. Dana Wortley was an “outsider” but only received number 3 spot on Senate ticket. The most prominent example of an “outsider” trying to disobey the core of the faction was Senator Linda Kirk, a progressive and free thinking Senator that made the mistake of crossing Don Farrell’s wife. Periodically, when the natives get restless, a bone is thrown to appease them. The AMWU, for example, had former official Paul McMahon appointed to the IR Commission and Alan Sibbons elected. I suspect these moves were made to appease a restless manufacturing union. Again, however, none of these positions could be considered plum and safe postings.

The fate of Linda Kirk is analogous to the fate of pro-life women as a whole within the Right faction. When I joined the Right, as I mentioned earlier, there was a plethora of intelligent and progressive women. These women are now engineers, lawyers, economists, psychologists and journalists. They were lost to politics, I suspect, in large part due to the heavy handed approach at Young Labor by the more conservative elements of the faction. The Left faction at AYL would often cleverly drive a wedge between the Right by moving pro-life motions. It only took a few feverish scripture based rants by SDA organizers to either disenchant these young women. Switching factions within the ALP is not really an option, so the party is abandoned entirely.

The deterioration of talent in the ALP, through pre-selections, ministerial staffing and the exodus of women, is now evident on a major scale for the first time. During the life of the Rann Government, the only senior and high profile acolyte of the Right was Michael Atkinson. It is arguable that he was one of the most unpopular Ministers in recent memory. The recent reshuffle has elevated four dyed in the wool Catholic Right SDA boys, Jack Snelling, Tom Kenyon, Bernard Finnigan and Tom Koutsantonis. It will soon be readily apparent how the public reacts to the social and political views of these men.

Wednesday, February 9, 2011

Left out in the cold

Much of the immediate coverage of the Rann Ministry reshuffle focussed upon the overwhelming dominance of the Right faction, which I would argue isn’t really a new story, nor is it the big issue arising from the front bench “regeneration”. The Right or Unity has had numerical supremacy over party decisions for some time, as evidenced by the recent ALP State Convention. I would suggest that the most surprising aspect of yesterday’s caucus was the timidity and meek acquiescence of the Left faction, despite its various threats and sabre rattling over the past month. Upon re-examination of the past four years, however, the Left’s capitulation should have been anticipated.

As a former member of the Right faction, I am often most outspoken about the failings of the bachelor boys from Kent Town. Let there be no mistake, however, that I find the insipid hypocrisy of the Left faction no less despicable. Spared from the numerical advantage, and therefore the onus of making decisions, the “socialist” branch of the Labor party enjoys commentating and sniping from the moral high ground. In the lead up to controversial decisions, they will often threaten to become martyrs, crossing the floor or resigning their membership. This was the case during the WorkCover debate, and it is the case again now. Ultimately, when sacrifice is required, the Steph Key’s and Frances Bedford’s of this world retreat to whatever hole they came from, and return to closeted remarks about the glorious day when Jay is Premier. In politics, talk is cheap unless followed by actions.

The Left is swiftly becoming the faction that cried wolf, and the Right knows it. Their persistent inability to follow their threats with meaningful action means the Right can joyfully frolick in the forest at night, unafraid of any lurking predator. My former colleagues and I would often speculate about the cunning plan that Jay Weatherill must be plotting to ensure his ascent to Premier. In light of recent events, however, I must suspect that Weatherill is the political equivalent of Baldrick from Blackadder, or worse, the ALP’s Peter Costello. It takes ruthlessness and courage to steal the ring of power from the holder. Jay is at risk of being relegated forever to the shadows, yearning for “his precious”.

While the Right did assert its power with almost faultless execution, Mike Rann appears to be the fly in the ointment. Firstly, I suspect that factional operatives did not expect Kevin Foley to receive such important and high profile portfolios. Rann, forever mindful of protecting his own grip on power, obviously felt it was in his best interests ensure that Big Kev continued to occupy an important chair at the Cabinet table. Rann also used the portfolio allocation as another opportunity to double cross long time nemesis Tom Koutsantonis. Kouts was anticipating receipt of the IR portfolio, but this went to Buckets Bernie Finnigan. There is plenty of wile and cunning in old dog Rann, and I wouldn’t count him out yet, especially with Rau (a man with conflicting allegiances between Right faction and Rann) as his new, loyal Deputy.

PS The boys club culture of the ALP and Right faction has been an issue that I have discussed at length in the past. It perhaps merits a revisit, but I am going to wait for events to unfold a little further.